The National Debt

I scheduled our discussion of the national debt for this week in the hopes that we would have a deal from the "supercommittee" (officially known as the Joint Select Committee on Deficit Reduction) to discuss. Unfortunately, they were unable to come to any agreement. Instead, I'll talk a little about the readings and then discuss the implications of the lack of a deal.

This week's reading on the national debt is one of the most up to date that we've read so far. Although the chapter was written before the "debt ceiling crisis" of the summer, it asks many of the same questions that the supercommittee has tried to reconcile over the past few months. Most notably, how can we work to reduce our large deficit without stalling or preventing an economic recovery. Of course, the supercommittee is also concerned with the political ramifications of their actions. We have had two bipartisan committees tasked with reducing the national debt, the Bowles-Simpson National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform and the Rivlin-Domenici Debt Reduction Task Force. Both of these committees were bipartisan and offered recommendations for reducing the debt as models from which the supercommittee could work (even though the Bowles-Simpson commission failed to reach the supermajority among commission members necessary to fully endorse their plan). Even with these blueprints, the committee was unable to make a recommendation for action. As the chapter points out, Americans want to balance the budget while cutting taxes and increasing spending, an impossible task. Any cuts or tax-increases would run the risk of being politically unpopular less than a year before a major national election.

When the Supercommittee was formed as part of the debt ceiling deal this summer, a system of sequestration or automatic cuts to defense, Medicare (providers only), and Social Security was created as a consequence of the supercommittee failing to pass an additional $1.5 trillion in cuts. The good news is that these cuts will not occur until FY2013, so there is still time for Congress to reach an agreement. Policymakers on both sides are already attempting to over-ride sequestration for their preferred programs, but the Obama administration has vowed to veto any such attempts. It seems as though we have reached an impasse.

So, now that the supercommittee has failed, what can we expect? The Obama administration is hoping that the full Congress can pass extensions on the payroll tax cut and extended unemployment benefits before recessing in December. The Republicans are hoping to avoid raising taxes and to make the Bush tax cuts permanent while further cutting domestic spending and fundamentally altering entitlement programs (Medicaid, Medicare, Social Security). Democratic members of the legislature are hoping to preserve Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security while letting the Bush tax cuts on the wealthiest members of society expire. Regardless of what happens, as we saw with the debt-ceiling debate, the appearance of a "do-nothing Congress" may be the most damaging aspect of these negotiations to the economy, our democracy, and the faith-and-credit of the US government.

My Thoughts on Economic Policy

Given the current economic climate, I anticipate that this will be a busy week for discussions. I think that the materials provided for this week - the chapter from Peters, the Planet Money podcast, and the documentary - illustrate how broadly the government can intervene in the economy, how important the economy is to the political prospects of the President, and ultimately how little control the government actually has over what happens in the economy.

Although scholars agree that the government has little actual control over the economy, there is still some debate over the degree to which the government can or should intervene. If you have not already seen this "music video" explaining the difference between the Keynesian and Hayek-ian perspective, I highly recommend it.



Here we see both an Austrian school (laissez-faire) and a Keynesian (interventionist) perspective on what and how much government should do to address economic downturns. During the debt ceiling debate, Senator Dick Durbin stated that the debt ceiling bill "Put [Keynes] to his final rest", signaling a huge turning point in American macroeconomic policy and a return to a more laissez-faire approach to the economy. Of course, we have since seen President Obama present the American Jobs Act, which includes a vast array of Keynesian based proposals (government investment in infrastructure and public service and subsidized employment programs).

The video does not discuss the current prominent understanding of economics, the Chicago School neo-classical perspective associated with Milton Friedman and George Stigler. These economists prefer a laissez-faire form of capitalism similar to Hayek, but arrive at that recommendation through different assumptions and methodologies. Despite Obama's portrayal by some on the right as a "socialist", many of Obama's economic advisers follow the Chicago School approach to the economy, perhaps explaining some of his recent tax and budget compromises. Despite its popularity in conservative political circles, supply-side economics is rarely discussed as a serious theoretical approach to macroeconomic policy. Even when the Laffer curve is invoked, we often ignore  the fact that there are two sides to the curve, one side where government revenue rises concurrent with taxation and another where it falls in response to higher taxation.

Perhaps the biggest disagreement among economists and politicians appears to be the mechanism through which government should act on the economy. As the podcast, How Do You Create a Job? illustrates, government can create conditions that are likely to create jobs either through reducing restrictions and taxation of business or through taxing and providing more services. We see this trade-off when localities attempt to attract business, as well. The key is finding the balance that fosters the creation of good jobs and provides services that government can deliver well. As this statement from the former CEO of Intel illustrates, low-taxes alone are not a good economic development strategy.

At this point in time, the future of the economy and government's role as a regulator and participant remains uncertain. We have seen a Keynesian approach with the stimulus package, a more supply-side approach with the extension of the Bush tax-cuts, and a Corporatist approach with the bailouts. Prior to the summer, the economy appeared to be on an upswing, although it was a comparatively anemic upswing in terms of job creation and unemployment. The manufactured debt ceiling crisis (itself a lesson in agenda-setting) seems to have stalled recovery due to uncertainty and anxiety about the American political process. Suddenly, we find ourselves in the midst of a likely double-dip recession with consumer confidence at a low-point and anger from both the political left and right coming to a head.  The so-called  super-committee is currently in negotiations to prevent another showdown similar to the debt ceiling crisis of the summer, but early reports seem to indicate that compromise will be difficult to achieve. The President has embarked on a "jobs tour" and is making job creation his current policy priority, but as we have seen, Congress appears unwilling to pass the American Jobs Act as it is written. In response, Obama has shifted his focus to the regulatory and implementation process to implement mortgage reform and other programs that his administration believes will stimulate the economy (If you need any further evidence that the policy stages process is not as neat and tidy as theory suggests, just look at how economic policy is currently progressing). Perhaps the biggest issue with our economy at the moment is inequality; with African Americans, Latinos, low-skilled workers, and the young facing extremely high unemployment and the erosion of wealth accumulated prior to the economic collapse. It is impossible to tell what the next few months will bring, but I can almost guarantee that discussion of the economy will dominate the 2012 elections.